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Seminar The New Right I |
Venue:
International University of Andalusia (UNIA). Monasterio de Santa María
de las Cuevas, Av. Américo Vespucio 2. Isla de la Cartuja (Sevilla)
PRESENTATIONPRESENTATION Is anyone actually bothering to carry out an in-depth analysis about the strengh of the (neo)conservative counter-offensive in Europe and the United States? George W. Bush's second electoral victory has caused great perplexity amongst the left across the whole planet: How is it possible that people voted for a candidate whose campaign was clearly based on terrible lies which have been publicly unveiled (Abu Ghraib, Michael Moore, weapons of mass destruction, etc.)?". Perhaps the obvious answer is that "Americans are stupid, fearful, and aggressive. They don't read or travel; they can't even show you where Spain is on the map". The American way of life. Therefore, we have nothing really to worry about in Europe (despite Haider, Berlusconi-Fini, Le Pen, etc.). The moral indignation and contempt felt towards the voters of the populist right has completely deprived us of an in-depth analysis about the power of the imagery and the relentless decline of the left, which seems unable to instill any desire or make any sense of this disconcerting era of globalisation. Now that "everything that was once solid seems to be dissolving into thin air", the popular right moves like a fish in the water. Their media and organisational war machines manipulate, better than anyone, the community symbols - at a time in which community is non existent. They label all the economic and social conflicts between the rich and the poor as moral conflicts, and masterfully tune into the fears and deep ambivalence of the "silent majority". They instrumentalise the imagery of the traditional values and cynically re-direct the "class resentment" of millions of globalisation orphans against the ghosts (the threat of immigration, homosexuals, the leftist elite, etc.), who are purportedly responsible for the desintegration of an idealised world (fatherland, identity, community), which is looked upon with nostalgia. Yet, instead of seriously analysing how the populist right has come to be regarded by so many as the defender of the "common people", a great part of the left tends to limit themselves to making a moral judgement ("fascists, nationalistic and male chauvinists, yokels, homophobics, etc."). It is said that "when a finger points at the moon, the idiot looks at the finger". Indeed, while the (neo)conservative finger is pointing at real problems which affect millions of people (street violence, the disintegration of schools and social interaction, the precariousness of life, the dissapearance of the culture of respect, etc.), the idiots just stare at the finger (their repressive proposals). Are the neoconservatives similar to the old conservatives like De Bonald or De Maistre? Not at all! The neoconservatives have an imperial project by which the United States will rule the globe, alongside a social remodelisation project intended to attain what Bush calls the ownership society. In other words: for them it is not a question of "keeping the house in good order", but rather, to rule the whole world. It is not only a matter of preserving tradition, but of founding a new social bond and manufacturing a new type of citizen, an owner-individual who is completely detached from any form of social obligation, responsibility, and care-giving. At the same time, since the 80s, Europe has experienced the ending of the Welfare State cycle in combination with a cultural and political trend which questions representative democracy. During this period various sectors of resistence have appeared in response to the crisis which expresses in the forms of communitarism segregation and heterophobic identities. They criticise the "formal" democracy and champion the "real" power of the people, whilst being nostalgic about the old social protection and the preservation of the spaces of cultural recognition which have been abolished. Over a twenty five year period, this protest has managed to consolidate itself as an alternative approach and as an area of political and ideological contamination which enjoys the recognition of considerable sectors of the population. The right wing populists who have attained power in democracy (Berlusconi-Fini, Haider, etc.), have used mythical and symbolic mobilisation resources of a clearly antiparliamentary nature and cultural connotations which go against the party system. Whatever the case, the European landscape at the junction between these two centuries could not be comprehensible without examining a phenomenon which should not be regarded as a mere re-edition of classical fascism or as the simple radicalisation of the traditional liberal conservative right. What about Spain? On the one hand, the "liberal" right and the surrounding media promoted any economic deregulation which could reduce (even further) political autonomy in relation to the market. On the other, they tried to take advantage of the confusion produced by the ending of all the forms of traditional belonging by stressing the Spanish nationalistic discussion. National-liberalism. This dizzying race is leading to the impugnation of party system mechanism procedures. This leads some to speak about "neofrancoism" (the ghosts of the civil war, etc.). Is this an adequate terminology to name and describe Libertad Digital, FAES, etc.? It's certainly true that the right is manipulating the victimist imagery of the "Two Spains" very efficiently (1936, Basque nationalism, the family crisis, etc.). But what is it about this right (whose membership, as in the case of the neocons, includes large numbers of former radical leftists) that sells its "novelty" so well? UNIA arteypensamiento and Archipiélago propose a series of viewpoints which by no means intend to provide a completely rigorous explanation of the phenomenon but offer some analytical keys, which, far from making an ideological and moral judgement, may enable us to gain a deeper insight into the various signs of a common impulse.
PROGRAMMEPROGRAMME
Monday, 24th of October
2005
Tuesday, 25th of October
2005
Wednesday, 26th of
October 2005
Thursday, 27th of
October 2005
Friday, 28th of
October 2005
* Daily sessions are scheduled to commence at 7 pm and finish at 10 pm. The conferences will be consecutive and will be followed by debates with the public.
Presentation of the "Pensamiento Político" (Political Thought) collection of the publishing company Almuzara, with the participation of Ramon Soriano (director of the collection) Juan Jesus Mora (coordinator and translator) and Amador Fernández-Savater (coordinator of the seminar): Thursday 27th of October 2005
GUEST SPEAKERSGUEST SPEAKERS
Francisco Espinosa
Valerio Evangelisti
Amador Fernández-Savater
Juli Highfill
Juan Jesús Mora Molina
Corey Robin
Emmanuel Rodríguez |